In the complex world of today, important policy and business decisions are still made with a 17th Century reductionist mindset and approach. Yet, complex challenges such as climate change, poverty, public health, security, energy futures, and sustainability transcend any single science, discipline or agency. Rather, they require integration of social, economic, cultural, political, and environmental concerns to achieve acceptable and sustainable outcomes. This entails synthesis of diverse knowledge and perspectives in a transparent and unifying decision-making process, engaging stakeholders with competing interests, perspectives, and agendas under uncertain and often adversarial conditions.Multi-Stakeholder Decision Making for Complex Problems - A Systems Thinking Approach with Cases brings together a unique self-contained volume to address this challenge. The book introduces the systems approach in non-technical language for multi-issue, multi-stakeholder decision making supplemented by numerous case studies including business, economics, healthcare, agriculture, energy, sustainability, policy, and planning. The book provides a fresh and timely approach with practical tools for dealing with complex challenges facing evolving global business and society today.
This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1901 edition. Excerpt: ... O awaken in a still, delicious room, with the summer morning sun shine breaking softly into it through leafy greenness, was a delightful thing to Miss Fox-Seton, who was accustomed to opening her eyes upon four walls covered with cheap paper, to the sound of outside hammerings, and the rattle and heavy roll of wheels. In a building at the back of her bed-sitting-room there lived a man whose occupation, beginning early in the morning, involved banging of a persistent nature. She awakened to her first day at Mallowe, stretching herself luxuriously, with the smile of a child. She was so thankful for the softness of her lavender-fragrant bed, and so delighted with the lovely freshness of her chintz-hung room. As she lay upon her pillow, she could see the boughs of the trees, and hear the chatter of darting starlings. When her morning tea was brought, it seemed like nectar to her. She was a perfectly healthy woman, with a palate as unspoiled as that of a six-year-old child in the nursery. Her enjoyment of all things was so normal as to be in her day and time an absolute abnormality. She rose and dressed at once, eager for the open air and sunshine. She was out upon the lawn before any one else but the Borzoi, which rose from beneath a tree and came with stately walk toward her. The air was exquisite, the broad, beautiful stretch of view lay warm in the sun, the masses of flowers on the herbaceous borders showed leaves and flower-cups adorned with glittering drops of dew. She walked across the spacious sweep of short-cropped sod, and gazed enraptured at the country spread out below. She could have kissed the soft white sheep dotting the fields and lying in gentle, huddled groups under the trees. "The darlings!" she said, in a little, effusive...
Free-market economics has attempted to combine efficiency and freedom by emphasizing the need for neutral rules and meta-rules. These efforts have only been partly successful, for they have failed to address the deeper, normative arguments justifying - and limiting - coercion. This failure has thus left most advocates of free-market vulnerable to formulae which either emphasize expediency or which rely upon optimal social engineering to foster different notions of the common will and of the common good. This book offers the reader a new perspective on free-market economics, one in which the defense of markets is no longer based upon the utilitarian claim that free markets are more efficient; rather, the defense of markets rests upon the moral argument that top-down coercive policy-making is necessarily in tension with the rights-based notion of justice typical of the Western tradition.
In arguing for a consistent moral basis for the free-market view, we depart from both the Austrian and neoclassical traditions by acknowledging that rationality is not a satisfactory starting point. This rejection of rationality as the complete motivator for human economic behaviour throws constitutional economics and the law-and-economics tradition into new relief, revealing these approaches as governed by considerations derived by various notions of social efficiency, rather than by principles consistent with individual freedom, including freedom to choose.
This book shows that the solution is in fact a better understanding of the lessons taught by the Scottish Enlightenment: the role of the political context is to ensure that the individual can pursue his own ends, free from coercion. This also implies individual responsibility, respect for somebody else's preferences and for his entrepreneurial instincts. Social virtue is not absent from this understanding of politics, but rather than being defined through the priorities of policy-makers, it emerges as the outcome of interaction among self-determining individuals. The strongest and most consistent case for free-market economics, therefore, rests on moral philosophy, not on some version of static-efficiency theorizing.
This book should be of interest to students and researchers focussing on economic theory, political economics and the philosophy of economic thought, but is also written in a non-technical style making it accessible to an audience of non-economists.
Food is very vital for existence of man. Similarly, it is believed that food is basic to world peace, security and togetherness. An adage says that "a hungry world is an angry world." It is impossible to imagine a world without available and affordable food. Generally, we tend to believe that food is not the problem but the purchasing power. Ignoring the fact that world currencies are not antidote to world food security. Global food availability and affordability is governed by law of demand and supply. In a world of over 6 billion people and maximum kilocalorie requirement of 500 per day per person; the world requires 6 billion x 500 kilocalories per day. For 7 days x 4 weeks x 12 months a year, you can imagine the kilocalorie alone required. Before you add protein, fat, mineral and vitamins. The world land is fixed at 13.07 billion hectares and not evenly available and distributed. Resources and technologies, political/government will and structure; world free trade in era of globalisation are major determinants of food availability, affordability and security. To add insult to injury are natural disasters like erosion, tsunami, flood, desertification, hurricane, and wildfire. Other impediment are problems of pests and diseases, inputs, allocation of resources, civil unrest, war, terrorism, economic recession/depression and high rate of poverty especially in developing world. World food problem has no clear answers. Nevertheless, sustainable agricultural revolution, world without borders, food democracy, political democracy, all round discipline and proper use and allocation of natural resources can help address the problems. Similarly, population checks not predicated on war and genocide as the world population is targeted to hit 9 billion by 2050.
The Philippines' Cordilera mountains of Northern Luzon have long been known as home to the peoples termed Igorots. Throughout the Spanish era, however, familiarity among highland peoples was frequently circumscribed. Mutual suspicions and long-standing enmity based on widespread headhunting practices in the Cordillera characterized many intervillage relationships. There was no broadly shared consciousness or solidarity among mountaineers.
This work examines how and why American colonial rule transformed social and spatial relations across the Cordillera, creating a distinctive pan-Cordillera Igorot ethnoregional consciousness. It analyzes the ways in which the establishment of Mountain Province in the early 1900s and the imposition of direct American rule served to discourage contact between highlanders and lowlanders, while reinforcing notions of highlander connectedness.
The author demonstrates the central role of Baguio City as an ethnically diverse urban center for cultural comparison and change that served as a crucible for the emergence of a robust Igorot identity. At the same time, he captures how, in different ways, succeeding generations of highlanders embraced the social and spatial bonds associated with "Igorot-ism" and "Igorot-land."
Based on this constructed ethnoregional consciousness, Finin illuminates how Igorots or "Cordillerans" during the 1980s and 1990s articulated this image of oneness in resisting the Marcos regime's dam and logging projects, and in subsequent calls for a Cordillera autonomous region similar to Mindanao.